ADRIENNE BARBEAU

Adrienne Barbeau
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Adrienne Barbeau

Barbeau in June 2011
Born
Adrienne Jo Barbeau
June 11, 1945 (age 71)
Sacramento, California, U.S.
Occupation
Actress, singer and writer
Years active
1972–present
Spouse(s)
John Carpenter (1979–84)
Billy Van Zandt (1992–present)
Children
Cody Carpenter
Walker Van Zandt
William Van Zandt
Website
abarbeau.com
Adrienne Jo Barbeau (born June 11, 1945) is an American actress, singer and the author of three books. Barbeau came to prominence in the 1970s as Broadway’s original Rizzo in the musical Grease, and as Carol Traynor, the divorced daughter of Maude Findlay (played by Bea Arthur) on the sitcom Maude. In the 1970s and 1980s, Barbeau was a sex symbol, and in 1980 began starring in horror and science fiction films, including The Fog, Creepshow, Swamp Thing and Escape from New York. During the 1990s, she became known for providing the voice of Catwoman on Batman: The Animated Series and subsequent Batman cartoon series. In the 2000s, she appeared on the HBO series Carnivàle as Ruthie the snake dancer.

Contents  [hide] 
1
Early life
2
Career
2.1
1960s–1989
2.2
1990s–present
3
Personal life
4
In popular culture
5
Bibliography
6
Filmography
6.1
Film
6.2
Television
6.3
Video games
7
See also
8
References
9
External links

Early life[edit]
Barbeau was born and raised in Sacramento, California,[1] in 1945,[2] the daughter of Armene (née Nalbandian) and Joseph Barbeau, who was a public relations executive for Mobil Oil.[3] Her mother was of Armenian descent and her father’s ancestry included French-Canadian, Irish, and German.[4] She has a sister, Jocelyn, and a half brother on her father’s side, Robert Barbeau, who still resides in the Sacramento area.[5] She attended Del Mar High School in San Jose, California. In her autobiography, Barbeau says that she first caught the show business bug while entertaining troops at army bases throughout Southeast Asia, touring with the San Jose Civic Light Opera.
Career[edit]
1960s–1989[edit]
In the late 1960s, Barbeau moved to New York City and worked “for the mob”[6] as a go-go dancer. She made her Broadway debut in the chorus of Fiddler on the Roof, and later took the role of Hodel, Tevye’s daughter; Bette Midler played her character’s sister. She left Fiddler in 1971 to play the leading role of Cookie Kovac in the off-Broadway nudie musical Stag Movie. Barbeau, as Cookie Kovac, and Brad Sullivan, as Rip Cord, were “quite jolly and deserve to be congratulated on the lack of embarrassment they show when, on occasion, they have to wander around stark naked. They may not be sexy but they certainly keep cheerful,” wrote The New York Times theater critic Clive Barnes in an otherwise negative review.[7] Barbeau went on to star in more than 25 musicals and plays, including Women Behind Bars, The Best Little Whorehouse in Texas, and Grease. She received a Theater World Award and a 1972 Tony Award nomination for her portrayal of tough-girl Rizzo in Grease.
During the 1970s, Barbeau starred as Carol Traynor, the daughter of Bea Arthur’s title character on the comedy series Maude, which ran from 1972 to 1978 (actress Marcia Rodd had originated the role of Carol in a 1972 episode of All in the Family, also titled “Maude”, alongside Arthur). In her autobiography, There Are Worse Things I Could Do, Barbeau remarked: “What I didn’t know is that when I said [my lines] I was usually walking down a flight of stairs and no one was even listening to me. They were just watching my breasts precede me.” During the last season of Maude, Barbeau did not appear in the majority of the episodes. In a 2009 Entertainment Tonight TV interview, Barbeau mentioned that she had good on- and off-camera chemistry with Arthur; she said that the two stayed close until Arthur’s death on April 25, 2009.[citation needed] Barbeau and Arthur reunited on camera during a 2007 taping of The View, reminiscing about their long-running friendship and their years as co-stars on Maude.[episode needed]
Regarding the character of Maude, Barbeau has said: “Thousands of people came up to me and said, ‘I’ve got an aunt who’s just like Maude, my mother is just like Maude.’ I think many, many people related to Bea’s character, in that way. There were others who found her too abrasive who didn’t like the character, and that big woman with a low voice, saying those things.” Regarding Bea Arthur’s desire to entertain the audience of Maude, she said: “I at least was; and I’m sure that Bea was very proud of being something that was socially significant that was entertaining people, and making them laugh, at the same time, slipping her philosophy.” Regarding Bea Arthur’s decision to leave the show, Barbeau said: “I think she was tired, but I also knew she wanted to go out strong, yet, we were still in the Top 20, right through the sixth season, but I think she was probably feeling, ‘How many more scripts are there’?, and you know, where we can be as good as we’ve been!” Of her overall experience on Maude, she said: “It was wonderful, all the way through, and so much of that was because of Bea, because, we had such a great group of people that we were working with, who, we were like a family.” For more than 35 years, until Arthur’s death in 2009, she and Barbeau continued to be good friends, long after the cancellation of Maude. The death of Arthur’s mother in 1986 drew her and Barbeau even closer.[citation needed]
Barbeau was cast in numerous television films and series such as The Love Boat, Fantasy Island, Valentine Magic on Love Island and Battle of the Network Stars. In her autobiography, she claimed: “I actually thought CBS asked me to be on Battle of the Network Stars because they thought I was athletic. My husband clued me in: who cared if I won the race, as long as I bounced when I ran?”[8]
The popularity of Barbeau’s 1978 cheesecake poster confirmed her status as a sex symbol. Barbeau’s popularity stemmed partly from what critic Joe Bob Briggs referred to as the “two enormous talents on that woman”,[9] and her typecasting as a “tough broad”. Despite her initial success, she said at the time that she thought of Hollywood as a “flesh market”, and that she would rather appear in films that “explore the human condition” and “deal with issues”.[10]
Barbeau’s then-husband, director John Carpenter, cast her in his horror film, The Fog (1980), which was her first theatrical film appearance. The film was released on February 1, 1980, and was a theatrical success, grossing over $21 million in the United States alone,[11] and establishing Barbeau as a genre film star. She subsequently appeared in a number of early-1980s horror and science fiction films, a number of which have now become cult film classics, including Escape from New York (also from Carpenter), Creepshow and Swamp Thing. Of her screen work with Carpenter, Barbeau has stated: “John is a great director. He knows what he wants and he knows how to get it. It’s simple and it’s easy [working with him].”[12]
She also appeared in the high-grossing Burt Reynolds comedy The Cannonball Run (1981)—her character wins the race—and as the shrewish wife of Rodney Dangerfield’s character in Back to School (1986). Barbeau also starred, alongside talk show host Bill Maher and Shannon Tweed, in the comedy Cannibal Women in the Avocado Jungle of Death (1989).
1990s–present[edit]
In the 1990s, Barbeau mostly appeared in made-for-television films such as Scott Turow’s The Burden of Proof (1992), as well as playing Oswald’s mother on The Drew Carey Show and gaining new fame among animation fans as Catwoman on Batman: The Animated Series and Gotham Girls. Coincidentally, Barbeau’s on-screen son on The Drew Carey Show, Diedrich Bader, would go on to perform the voice of Batman on the animated series Batman: The Brave and the Bold.
She also worked as a television talk show host and a weekly book reviewer for KABC talk radio in Los Angeles. In 1999, she guest starred in the Star Trek: Deep Space Nine episode “Inter Arma Enim Silent Leges” as Romulan Senator Kimara Cretak. In 1994, she also appeared in the Babylon 5 episode “Spider in the Web” as Amanda Carter.
In 1998, Barbeau released her debut album as a folk singer, the self-titled Adrienne Barbeau. She starred in the cartoon series Totally Spies! doing the voice of villainess Helga Von Guggen in seasons 1, 2 and 4.
From 2003 to 2005, she starred on the HBO series Carnivàle. From March to May 2006, she starred as Judy Garland in the off-Broadway play The Property Known as Garland.[13]
Barbeau played a cameo role in Rob Zombie’s Halloween, a “reimagining” of the 1978 film of the same name, written and directed by her first husband, John Carpenter. Her scene was cut from the theatrical version of the film but is included in the DVD version.
In 2009, Barbeau was cast as “The Cat Lady” in the family comedy The Dog Who Saved Christmas, as Scooter’s Mom in the 3D animated feature Fly Me to the Moon and as a hospice patient in the love-story “Reach For Me” .[citation needed]
Also in 2009, Barbeau had guest spots in the first episode of Showtime’s hit series Dexter (Season 4), as well as on Grey’s Anatomy.
She voiced the Greek goddess Hera in the video game God of War III released for the PlayStation 3 in March 2010. In August 2010, she began a role on the long-running ABC daytime drama General Hospital. In 2012, she voiced UNSC scientist Dr. Tilson in the highly anticipated game Halo 4, released on the Xbox 360 in November 2012. She voiced characters in the Mad Max video game of the same name.[14]
She reprised her role as Catwoman in an animated remake of the third trailer for The Dark Knight Rises. This trailer was made to both celebrate the upcoming movie as well as to promote Hub’s ten episode marathon of Batman: The Animated Series.
On October 22, 2013, she made a guest appearance on the FX series Sons of Anarchy.
In 2015, she assumed the role of Berthe in Pippin with the Broadway Touring Company of the renowned musical. In the same year she also began to provide the Descriptive Video Service track for visually-impaired individuals for some episodes of the Fox series Empire.
Barbeau appeared on Ken Reid’s TV Guidance Counselor podcast on February 19, 2016.
Personal life[edit]
Barbeau was married to director John Carpenter from January 1, 1979, to 1984. The two met on the set of his television movie, Someone’s Watching Me! (1978). The couple had a son, John Cody (born May 7, 1984) shortly before they separated. During their marriage, the couple lived in Hollywood Hills but according to Barbeau remained “totally outside Hollywood’s social circles”.[10]
Barbeau married actor/playwright/producer Billy Van Zandt, thirteen years her junior, on December 31, 1992. The two met in 1991 when Barbeau was cast in the west coast premiere of his play, Drop Dead! Billy is the half-brother of musician/actor Steven Van Zandt. She gave birth to twin boys, Walker Steven and William Dalton Van Zandt, on March 17, 1997, at age 51, claiming she was the only one on the maternity ward who was also a member of AARP.[15]
In popular culture[edit]
Captain Murphy, a character from the animated television series Sealab 2021, has an obsession with Barbeau and mentions her in several episodes. In the episode “I Robot”, he ponders becoming an “Adrienne Barbeau-bot” with laser beam eyes and “D-Cups Full of Justice”. In the episode “I Robot Really” Captain Murphy succeeds in having his brain placed inside a robot body which he calls The Barbeau-bot. The Barbeau-bot not only has “D-Cups of Justice” but also chainsaw hands with laser targeting. Barbeau was mentioned in Adult Swim cartoons by the same people as far back as Space Ghost Coast to Coast episode 32 “Jacksonville”, in which George Lowe, voice of Space Ghost, is seen as a handyman who has finished caulking a window and is credited as “Adrienne Barbeau”.
An episode of Sabrina, the Teenage Witch (season 6, episode 5) features a storyline in which Miles develops an obsession with Barbeau, going so far as to buy a cardboard cut-out of her. Barbeau herself makes a cameo appearance at the end of the episode. Upon meeting her, Sabrina compliments Barbeau for her performance as Senator Cretak in the aforementioned Star Trek: Deep Space Nine episode.
In the Mystery Science Theater 3000 episode featuring the movie The Thing That Couldn’t Die, Mike Nelson is being sent people he is thinking of by a race of omnipotent beings in one of the “host segments”. The person appears and begins to beat up Mike in a manner similar to Finnegan in the classic Star Trek episode “Shore Leave”. Mike thinks of Adrienne Barbeau at the insistence of one of his robot companions. Barbeau is played by Mike Nelson’s real-life wife Bridget Jones Nelson.
Bibliography[edit]
Barbeau’s autobiography There Are Worse Things I Could Do was published in 2006 by Carroll & Graf, rising to #11 on the Los Angeles Times best-sellers list. In July 2008, her first novel, Vampyres of Hollywood, was published by St Martin’s Press. The novel was co-written by Michael Scott. The first sequel Love Bites was published in 2010, and the second, Make Me Dead was published in 2015.
Barbeau, Adrienne (2006). There Are Worse Things I Could Do. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 9780786716371. OCLC 65432367.
Barbeau, Adrienne; Scott, Michael (2008). Vampyres of Hollywood. New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin’s Press. ISBN 9780312367220. OCLC 184822839.
Barbeau, Adrienne (2010). Love Bites. New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin’s Press. ISBN 9780312367282. OCLC 526077059.
Barbeau, Adrienne (2015). Make Me Dead. New Orleans, Louisiana: booksBnimble. ASIN B00ZD3K2S4.
Filmography[edit]
Film[edit]
Year
Title
Role
Notes
1980
The Fog
Stevie Wayne

1981
Escape from New York
Maggie

1981
The Cannonball Run
Marcie

1982
The Thing
Computer voice

1982
Swamp Thing
Alice Cable

1982
Creepshow
Wilma Northrup
Segment: “The Crate”
1984
The Next One
Andrea

1986
Back to School
Vanessa

1987
Open House
Lisa Grant

1989
Cannibal Women in the Avocado Jungle of Death
Dr. Kurtz

1990
The Easter Story
Mary Magdalene (voice)
Video short
1990
Two Evil Eyes
Jessica Valdemar
Segment: “The Facts in the Case of Mr. Valdemar”
1993
Father Hood
Celeste

1994
Silk Degrees
Violet

1998
Scooby-Doo on Zombie Island
Simone Lenoir (voice)
Video
1999
A Walk in Providence
Aunt Lidia

2000
Across the Line
Mrs. Randall

2000
The Convent
Adult Christine

2002
No Place Like Home
Evie

2003
Ghost Rock
Mattie Baker

2007
Unholy
Martha

2008
Reach for Me
Valerie

2009
Alice Jacobs Is Dead
Alice Jacobs
Short film
2012
Complacent
Judy Sanderson

2012
Argo
Nina / Serski

2015
ISRA-88
Dr. Withersford
Post Production
????
Bring Me the Head of Lance Henriksen
Adrienne
Post-production
Television[edit]
Year
Title
Role
Notes
1972–1978
Maude
Carol Traynor
Regular role (93 episodes)
1976
The Great Houdini
Daisy White
TV film
1976
Julie Farr, M.D.
Allie Duggin
TV film
1977
Eight Is Enough
Jennifer Linden
Episode: “Turnabout”
1977
Red Alert
Judy Wyche
TV film
1977
Quincy, M.E.
Carol Bowen
Episode: “Let Me Light the Way”
1977
Have I Got a Christmas for You
Marcia Levine
TV film
1978
The Fighting Nightingales
Maj. Kate Steele
TV film
1978
The Love Boat
Cathy Randall
2 episodes
1978
Crash
Veronica Daniels
TV film
1978
Someone’s Watching Me!
Sophie
TV film
1978
Fantasy Island
Margo Dean
1 episode
1979
Fantasy Island
Brenda Richards
1 episode
1979
The Darker Side of Terror
Margaret Corwin
TV film
1980
Top of the Hill
Elizabeth Stone
TV film
1980
Valentine Magic on Love Island
Beverly McGraw
TV film
1980
Tourist
Barbara Huggins
TV film
1981
Charlie and the Great Balloon Chase
Susan O’Neill
TV film
1983
Fantasy Island
Adele Anthony
1 episode
1984
Hotel
Barbara Harrington
Episode: “Tomorrows”
1985
Seduced
Barbara Orloff
TV film
1985
Murder, She Wrote
Kathryn
Episode: “Jessica Behind Bars”
1985
Bridge Across Time
Lynn Chandler
TV film
1985
The Twilight Zone
Miss Peters
Episode: “Teacher’s Aide”
1986
Hotel
Ellie
Episode: “Shadow Play”
1987
Murder, She Wrote
Lynette Bryant
Episode: “The Bottom Line Is Murder”
1987
Ultraman: The Adventure Begins
Lt. Beth O’Brien (voice)
TV film
1989
Head of the Class
Gloria
Episode: “The Little Sister”
1990
CBS Schoolbreak Special
Mary Martelli
Episode: “The Fourth Man”
1991
Blood River
Georgina
TV film
1991
Doublecrossed
Debbie Seal
TV film
1992
The Burden of Proof
Silvia Hartnell
TV film
1992
Dream On
Gloria Gantz
Episode: “Bad Girls”
1992–1995
Batman: The Animated Series
Catwoman / Selina Kyle / Martha Wayne (voice)
Recurring role (8 episodes)
1993
FBI: The Untold Stories
Marguerite Dobson
Episode: “Dapper Drew”
1993
ABC Weekend Special
Lucinda ‘Lucy’ Condraj
Episode: “The Parsley Garden”
1993
Daddy Dearest
Annette
Episode: “You Bet Your Life”
1994
One West Waikiki
Edna Jaynes
Episode: “A Model for Murder”
1994
The George Carlin Show
Barbara Rossetti
Episode: “George Gets Caught in the Middle”
1994
Babylon 5
Amanda Carter
Episode: “Spider in the Web”
1994
Jailbreakers
Mrs. Norton
TV film
1996
Flipper
Sydney Brewster
Episodes: “Surf Gang”, “The Girl Who Came to Dinner”
1996
The Wayans Bros.
Trish Neidermeyer
Episode: “New Lease on Life”
1997
Weird Science
Lily
Episode: “Show Chett”
1997
The New Batman Adventures
Catwoman / Selina Kyle (voice)
Episode: “You Scratch My Back”
1998
The New Batman Adventures
Catwoman / Selina Kyle (voice)
Episode: “Cult of the Cat”
1998
A Champion’s Fight
Nancy Muldenhower
TV film
1998
Diagnosis: Murder
Vivien Sanderson
Episode: “Rain of Terror”
1998
The Angry Beavers
Toluca Lake
Episode: “The Day the Earth Got Really Screwed Up”
1998–2004
The Drew Carey Show
Kim Harvey
Recurring role (6 episodes)
1999
Love Boat: The Next Wave
Grace Brooks
Episode: “Three Stages of Love”
1999
Star Trek: Deep Space Nine
Cretak
Episode: “Inter Arma Enim Silent Leges”
2000–2002
Gotham Girls
Selina Kyle / Catwoman / Det. Renee Montoya (voice)
Main role (19 episodes)
2001
Nash Bridges
Annie Corell
Episode; “Something Borrowed”
2002
Totally Spies!
Helga Von Guggen (voice)
Episode: “Wild Styles”
2002
The Chronicle
Evelyn Hall
Episode: “Tears of a Clone”
2002
The Santa Trap
Alice
TV film
2003–2005
Carnivàle
Ruthie
Regular role (24 episodes)
2004
Ring of Darkness
Alex
TV film
2004
Totally Spies!
Helga Von Guggen (voice)
Episode: “Fashion Faux Pas”
2006
Deceit
Kathleen Darrow
TV film
2006
Christmas Do-Over
Trudi
TV film
2007
K-Ville
Marquetta Dinovi
Episode: “Bedfellows”
2008
Cold Case
Helen McCormick
Episode: “Wings”
2009
War Wolves
Gail Cash
TV film
2009
Dexter
Suzanna Coffey
Episode: “Living the Dream”
2009
Grey’s Anatomy
Jodie Crawley
Episode: “I Always Feel Like Somebody’s Watchin’ Me”
2010
The New Adventures of Old Christine
Herself
Episode: “A Whale of a Tale”
2010
Proposition 8 Trial Re-Enactment
Dr. Letitia Peplau
TV documentary
2010
The Dog Who Saved Christmas Vacation
Mildred
TV film
2010–2011
General Hospital
Suzanne Stanwyck
Regular role
2011
CSI: NY
Dr. Theola Kumi
Episode: “Smooth Criminal”
2012
Revenge
Marion Harper
Episode: “Lineage”
2013
Sons of Anarchy
Alice
Episode: “Sweet and Vaded”
2014
Criminal Minds
Cissy Howard
Episode 221: “Blood Relations”
2015
Revenge
Marion Harper
Episode: “Two Graves”

Video games[edit]
Year
Title
Role
Notes
2006
Marvel: Ultimate Alliance
Sif

2010
God of War III
Hera

2012
Kingdoms of Amalur: Reckoning
Clara Sydamus

2012
Halo 4
Dr. Tillson

2013
God of War: Ascension
Aletheia, the Oracle of Delphi

2015
Mad Max
Pink Eye

See also[edit]
Biography portal
References[edit]
Jump up
^ Adrienne, Barbeau (March 25, 2010). “Michael Stever interviews Adrienne Barbeau”. 1st Annual Saturday Nightmare’s Horror Expo! (Interview). Interview with Stever, Michael. Landmark Jersey City Loews Movie Palace. 01:32-01:40 minutes in. Retrieved July 20, 2013. …although I was born in Sacramento and I actually took my first acting class in third grade at the Sacrament Music Circus.
Jump up
^ “Scream Queen Profile: Adrienne Barbeau”. WickedChannel.com. 2011-12-02. Retrieved 13 February 2017.
Jump up
^ “ADRIENNE BARBEAU PUTS “BEST’ FOOT FORWARD”. The Sacramento Bee. July 18, 1993. Retrieved December 10, 2007.
Jump up
^ “Adrienne Barbeau Biography”. Yahoo! Movies. Archived from the original on May 22, 2011. Retrieved October 29, 2006.
Jump up
^ Barbeau, Adrienne (April 15, 2006). There Are Worse Things I Could Do. New York: Carroll & Graf. p. 33. ISBN 0-7867-1637-1.
Jump up
^ Barbeau, Adrienne (April 15, 2006). There Are Worse Things I Could Do. New York: Carroll & Graf. p. 51. ISBN 0-7867-1637-1.
Jump up
^ Barnes, Clive (January 4, 1971). “Stage: ’71 Is Off to a Lamentable Start; ‘Stag Movie,’ a Musical, Opens at the Gate”. The New York Times. p. 39. Retrieved June 15, 2012.
Jump up
^ Barbeau, Adrienne (2006). There Are Worse Things I Could Do. New York: Carroll & Graf. p. 114. ISBN 0-7867-1637-1.
Jump up
^ Briggs, Joe Bob. “”The Fog” Intro”. Archived from the original on March 7, 2006. Retrieved April 6, 2006.
^
Jump up to:
a b Roger Ebert (February 3, 1980). “Interview with Adrienne Barbeau”. Chicago Sun-Times. Retrieved March 9, 2006.
Jump up
^ “The Fog (1980)”. Box Office Mojo. Archived from the original on February 13, 2006. Retrieved March 9, 2006.
Jump up
^ “Terror and the Dame: An Interview with Adrienne Barbeau”. The Terror Trap. February 2006.
Jump up
^ Isherwood, Charles (March 24, 2006). “At the Actors’ Playhouse, Adrienne Barbeau Is Judy Garland”. The New York Times. Retrieved December 30, 2007.
Jump up
^ Avalanche Studios. Mad Max. Warner Bros. Interactive Entertainment. Scene: Credits, 5:40 in, Talent.
Jump up
^ “Adrienne Barbeau Biography”. IMDb. Retrieved July 29, 2007.
Barbeau, Adrienne (2006). There Are Worse Things I Could Do. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 0-7867-1637-1. OCLC 65432367.
External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Adrienne Barbeau.

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Official website
Adrienne Barbeau at the Internet Movie Database
Adrienne Barbeau at the Internet Broadway Database
Adrienne Barbeau at the TCM Movie Database
Adrienne Barbeau at AllMovie
Interviews
General Hospital Happenings Interview, A Word with Adrienne Barbeau (April 27, 2010)
Playbill interview (March 10, 2006)
Publishers Weekly.com interview (February 27, 2006)
Zap2It interview (October 10, 2003)
Post Gazette interview (June 16, 2002)
HorrorWeb interview
Roger Ebert interview (February 3, 1980)
Authority control
WorldCat IdentitiesVIAF: 315535665LCCN: n85322486ISNI: 0000 0000 7874 9741GND: 131679171MusicBrainz: c78bf26c-9c90-4a07-aad1-09942a6cce40
Categories: 1945 births20th-century American actresses21st-century American actressesActresses from Sacramento, CaliforniaAmerican film actressesAmerican female singersAmerican folk singersAmerican musical theatre actressesAmerican people of Armenian descentAmerican people of French-Canadian descentAmerican people of German descentAmerican people of Irish descentAmerican soap opera actressesAmerican stage actressesAmerican television actressesAmerican video game actressesAmerican voice actressesDel Mar High School alumniFoothill College alumniLiving peopleWriters from Sacramento, CaliforniaEthnic Armenian actresses

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REMOVAL OF CONFEDERATE MONUMENTS

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U.S.New Orleans begins removing second Confederate monument
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New Orleans begins removing second Confederate monument
By Madison Park, Keith Allen and Jason Hanna, CNN

Updated 4:43 PM ET, Thu May 11, 2017

Now Playing
New Orleans removes…
Source: CNN
New Orleans removes first Confederate monument 00:57
Story highlights
Protesters gather in New Orleans as second of four Confederate monuments removed
The Jefferson Davis statue stood on a 12-foot column

(CNN)As police stood between opposing crowds, a crew lifted a statue of Confederate President Jefferson Davis from its pedestal before dawn Thursday in New Orleans — the latest in a contentious plan to dismantle four Confederate monuments in the city.
The statue, which stood for 106 years, is the second monument to come down after the New Orleans City Council voted to remove the four landmarks in 2015. After years of heated public debate and legal battles, recent court decisions paved the way for the city to relocate the four monuments.
Dozens of people — a crowd opposed to the monument’s removal as well as those backing it — gathered at the Davis statue before the operation began, at times screaming insults and threats at each other. Police separated the sides with barriers.

The Jefferson Davis statue was lifted from its pedestal shortly after 5 a.m. CT Thursday.
As the statue was lifted shortly after 5 a.m. (6 a.m. ET), those who wanted it removed cheered and sang the chorus from “Na Na Hey Hey Kiss Him Goodbye.” One person held a sign that read, “Bout Time.”
The monument’s supporters at that point watched mostly in silence, some holding up Confederate banners.
Earlier, some supporters chanted, “President Davis,” and one man saluted the statue.
Monument supporters chanting “President Davis” as police presence increases at statue pic.twitter.com/faSpCUJ3lN
— Jeff Adelson (@jadelson) May 11, 2017
It wasn’t immediately clear how long it would take workers to remove the pedestal.
The city government kept quiet about the timing of the removal, citing what it said were threats that some had made toward contractors who would do the work.
But word about the plans spread Wednesday when the principal of a nearby school told parents in a letter that she’d been told the removal would happen overnight, and that they should know a street would be blocked off in the morning, CNN affiliate WGNO-TV reported.
Part of a larger controversy
The New Orleans monuments are part of the larger controversy surrounding Confederate symbols, which some say represent slavery and racial injustice. Supporters say they represent history and heritage. The issue became especially prominent after the 2015 massacre of nine black parishioners in a Charleston, South Carolina, church by a self-described white supremacist.

Those opposed to the Davis monument’s removal wave Confederate and US flags Thursday morning.
“These monuments have stood not as historic or educational markers of our legacy of slavery and segregation, but in celebration of it,” New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu said in a statement released Thursday morning.
“To literally put the Confederacy on a pedestal in some of our most prominent public places is not only an inaccurate reflection of our past, it is an affront to our present, and a bad prescription for our future. We should not be afraid to confront and reconcile our past.”
This morning we continue our march to reconciliation by removing the Jefferson Davis Confederate statue from its pedestal of reverence.
— Mitch Landrieu (@MayorLandrieu) May 11, 2017
Jefferson Davis statue dedicated in 1911

New Orleans police set up barricades at the Davis monument last week.
The Davis statue stood on top of a roughly 12-foot column and depicted the Confederate president with his right arm outstretched, towering over the street also named after him.
Davis lived in New Orleans after the Civil War and died there in 1889. The statue was dedicated in 1911.
In 2004, the words “slave owner” were painted on the base of the monument.
How they extracted the statue
Police had cordoned off the 6-foot tall bronze statue of Davis with a chain-link fence to keep protesters out.

Workers prepare to remove the statue of Jefferson Davis.
Workers wore helmets as well as what appeared to be tactical vests and face masks. Cardboard and tape covered contractors’ names on equipment involved in the controversial operation — the same methods used during the first Confederate landmark removal April 24.

The Davis statue is wrapped in plastic and tied for removal.
About 4 a.m., two workers approached the Davis statue in a work lift and wrapped part of it in green plastic.
They tied the statue’s torso with yellow straps, securing it to a crane. One worker dislodged the statue’s base from the column, using a long flat tool.

A worker chisels away at the statue’s feet to release it from the base.
Two more statues scheduled for removal

Masked workers dismantle the Battle of Liberty Place monument in New Orleans on April 24.
Last month, the city dismantled the first of its four monuments scheduled for removal — an obelisk commemorating the Battle of Liberty Place. The monument marked a deadly fight between members of the Crescent City White League, a group opposed to the city’s biracial police force, and state militia after the Civil War.

The statue of Gen. Robert E. Lee stands in Lee Circle in New Orleans in September 2015.
The remaining two monuments — those of Confederate generals Robert E. Lee and Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard — also are scheduled for relocation.

A statue of P.G.T. Beauregard is at the entrance to City Park at Esplanade Avenue in September 2015.
Landrieu’s office has not revealed when the two remaining statues will come down.

Dana Farley of New Orleans joins a candlelight vigil April 24 at the statue of Jefferson Davis.
The mayor’s office said the city has secured private funding to remove the moments. Landrieu said the statues will be put in storage while the city looks for a suitable place to display them, such as a museum.
CNN’s Nicole Chavez and Emanuella Grinberg contributed to this report.

 
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Posted in New Essays | Comments Off on REMOVAL OF CONFEDERATE MONUMENTS

THE SUM OF SMALL THINGS

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THE SUM OF SMALL THINGS Book Launch
Thursday, June 8, 2017 at 7:00pm

Elizabeth Currid-Halkett appears in conversation with Sloane Crosley to celebrate the publication of Currid-Halkett’s The Sum of Small Things: A Theory of the Aspirational Class. With a signing to follow. Refreshments will be served!

About The Sum of Small Things
Today’s elites are defined by cultural capital rather than income bracket. They earnestly buy organic, carry NPR tote bags, and breast-feed their babies. They care about discreet, inconspicuous consumption—like eating free-range chicken and heirloom tomatoes, wearing organic cotton shirts and TOMS shoes, and listening to the Serial podcast. They use their purchasing power to hire nannies and housekeepers, to cultivate their children’s growth, and to practice yoga and Pilates. In The Sum of Small Things, Elizabeth Currid-Halkett dubs this segment of society “the aspirational class” and discusses how, through deft decisions about education, health, parenting, and retirement, the aspirational class reproduces wealth and upward mobility, deepening the ever-wider class divide. With a rich narrative and extensive interviews and research,The Sum of Small Things illustrates how cultural capital leads to lifestyle shifts and what this forecasts, not just for the aspirational class but for everyone.

Elizabeth Currid-Halkett is the James Irvine Chair in Urban and Regional Planning and professor of public policy at the University of Southern California. Her research focuses on the arts and culture and most recently, the American consumer economy. She is the author of The Warhol Economy: How Fashion, Art and Music Drive New York City and Starstruck: The Business of Celebrity. Her most recent book is The Sum of Small Things: A Theory of the Aspirational Class. Currid-Halkett’s work has been featured in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Salon, the Economist, the New Yorker, and the Times Literary Supplement, among others.

Sloane Crosley is the author of essay collections, I Was Told There’d Be Cake, a finalist for The Thurber Prize for American Humor, How Did You Get This Number and the novel The Clasp. She served as editor of The Best American Travel Writing series and has contributed to a variety of anthologies. A contributing editor at Vanity Fair magazine, her next book, Look Alive Out There will be published in spring 2018. She is also on the board of Housing Works Bookstore Cafe and The Young Lions Committee at The New York Public Library.

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Posted in New Essays | Comments Off on THE SUM OF SMALL THINGS

TRUMP’S EFFECT ON B-SCHOOLS

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How the ‘Trump Effect’ Is Driving Foreign Students Away From U.S. B-Schools
A “less inclusive and less diverse” America is a turnoff for international students seeking MBAs.
by Nick Leiber
‎May‎ ‎10‎, ‎2017‎ ‎11‎:‎01‎ ‎PM‎ ‎CDT
From Subscribe Reprints

Illustration: 731
In January, Rodrigo Paolucci sold his 50-person video distribution startup in São Paulo, planning to go to business school overseas. Although he’d long dreamed of getting an MBA in Silicon Valley or New York, he applied only to the Rotman School of Management at the University of Toronto. The reason: The Trump administration’s anti-immigration rhetoric “makes it harder for foreigners,” says Paolucci, who got a scholarship from Rotman that covers 40 percent of tuition. Just as important, his wife will be able to work as soon as they move to Toronto this summer, and they’ll be able to stick around for three years after he graduates. “Of course you want to be at Stanford or Columbia, but you have to place your bets,” says Paolucci, 31. “Top talent is going to go where it’s welcome.”

The Graduate Management Admission Council, which administers business school entrance exams, says about two-fifths of 547 foreign applicants it surveyed in March were less likely to pursue a graduate management degree in America as a result of the 2016 election. And two-thirds of 86 U.S. MBA programs queried this spring have received fewer international applications this year than last, the GMAC says. Tim Mescon, a vice president at AACSB International, a B-school accrediting group, attributes it to the “Trump effect.” With increasing concern over the president’s travel ban, anti-immigration rhetoric, and proposals to tighten visa rules, “students and their families begin to look for alternatives,” he says. “This is a very dangerous scenario for higher education in the U.S.”

Share of potential foreign applicants who say they’re less likely to pursue a management degree in the U.S. after Trump’s election: 41%
The most prestigious of the 700-plus American B-schools are unlikely to be significantly affected, but lower-ranked institutions could suffer, says Chioma Isiadinso, a former admissions officer at Harvard Business School, who runs an MBA admissions consulting company called Expartus. Many lesser-known schools are highly dependent on tuition from international students, she says, and the prospect of a decline in their numbers “is keeping deans and admissions directors up at night.”

What’s bad for U.S. programs is good for their rivals abroad, which are likely to see increases in international enrollment, says Eric Cornuel, chief executive officer of EFMD, a group in Brussels that accredits B-schools. Although relatively few of the 200,000 foreign business students in the U.S. are from countries affected by the administration’s travel ban, “perception matters,” he says. “Students in Europe and Asia don’t understand Trump’s immigration policies,” but they feel the U.S. is becoming “less inclusive and less diverse.” At Rotman in Toronto, MBA applications have increased about 30 percent this year, driven largely by students from China, India, and Brazil. Enrollment numbers aren’t final, but the rate for international students is up, says admissions officer Jamie Young. “Candidates are not afraid to tell us that they’re no longer considering the U.S.,” he says.

A longer-term concern is what happens after B-school. Many foreign MBA grads end up working in the U.S., contributing to growth in sectors such as technology and health care, says Marcelo Barros, a consultant in Washington, D.C., who helps international students find employment. Foreigners frequently see an MBA as “a springboard toward the holy grail of a job in the U.S.,” Barros says. With the Trump administration mulling tighter rules for the work visas often issued to international B-school grads, “what we have is a climate of fear and uncertainty.”
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Viktor Bunin, a Kazakhstan-born consultant for EY in New York, says he’d urge anyone who’s reluctant to study in the U.S. to reconsider. “One bad president” won’t affect the quality of the education, says Bunin, 25, who has dual U.S.-Russian citizenship and is planning to apply to B-schools in the U.S. and Spain. Foreign students “aren’t going to be ostracized,” he says. “We’re not, at heart, a nation that does that. Or at least I’d like to think so.”
The bottom line: Concerned that anti-immigration policies will lessen their job prospects, foreign applicants are staying away from U.S. B-schools.
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Macron Out-Trumps Trump in Handshake Duel Before NATO Summit
by Jennifer Jacobs , Margaret Talev , and Craig Gordon
‎May‎ ‎25‎, ‎2017‎ ‎8‎:‎36‎ ‎AM‎ ‎CDT
Trump’s handshake style under microscope since Abe meeting
Trump and Macron met for first time ahead of NATO leader talks

French President Emmanuel Macron out-Trumped President Donald Trump in a handshake before the NATO summit in Brussels. (Source: Bloomberg)
Donald Trump is known for employing knuckle-crushing, testosterone-driven, arm-shuddering handshakes. But he met his match today in Emmanuel Macron.
It took the French president just six seconds to out-Trump Trump in a handshake that showed the world — and a man three decades his senior — that there’s a new leader on the world stage.
Trump’s trick is to go in strong and then hold on just slightly too long, often pulling the other man toward him. Meeting Macron for the first time before a NATO summit in Brussels, Trump went in firm as usual. But this time, it was Trump — not Macron — who tried to back out first. Macron simply wouldn’t let go as Trump tried to pull back once, and then flexed his fingers straight to get out. On the second try, he was able to pull away.
Read more: Trump Shames NATO Leaders on Defense Spending
The two seemed to get on well enough. Trump spoke about Macron’s “incredible campaign” and “tremendous victory.” He listened intently as Macron talked in his native language about their power to “together change many things,” even though the U.S. president has never shown himself to be conversant in French.
Trump’s handshake style has been under the microscope ever since his 19-second-long handshake with a visibly bewildered Shinzo Abe of Japan. Others have since learned how to deal with it. Canada’s prime minister, Justin Trudeau, managed to neutralize the Trumpshake with a clever combination of timing, balance and control.
Nations hardly rise and fall on this sort of thing, and Angela Merkel and Theresa May could be forgiven for rolling their eyes. But Macron can now claim he’s ready and willing to take Trump on in a part of statecraft that — sometimes — is not far from the playground.
Read more: Trump Pledges to Probe Intelligence Leaks After British Complaint
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Posted in New Essays | Comments Off on TRUMP’S EFFECT ON B-SCHOOLS

WOULD YOU HIRE TRUMP TO RUN YOUR COMPANY?

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Would You Let Trump Run Your Company?
Of all the ways to measure Trump, judging him as a chief executive would seem to be fairest.
by John Micklethwait
‎May‎ ‎18‎, ‎2017‎ ‎3‎:‎00‎ ‎AM‎ ‎CDT
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0:11
0:15

Judging President Trump as a CEO

Judging President Trump as a CEO
In Washington, people struggling to come to terms with all the details of James Comey’s sacking and the claim that Donald Trump asked him to drop the FBI’s investigation into Michael Flynn have reached back to Watergate for comparison. But in many ways the more appropriate perspective is through a business lens: The immediate issue is whether a boss tried to halt embarrassing revelations about his company; the underlying one is whether he knows how to run it.

Of course, running a country is not the same as running a company. A president is both more constrained (by Congress, the press, and voters) and less so (chief executive officers, as a rule, can’t bomb their opponents). And Trump is not the first incoming president to have boasted of his corporate experience; remember George W. Bush, the first MBA president? But Bush had also run Texas. No president has tried to claim the mantle of CEO-in-chief as completely as Trump.

Featured in Bloomberg Businessweek, May 22-May 28, 2017. Subscribe now.Photographer: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
On the campaign trail, he cited his business experience all the time, contrasting his decisiveness, managerial skills, and shrewdness as a negotiator with the amateurish stumbles of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton (not to mention several generations of U.S. trade representatives). Many of his first supporters knew him only as the archetypal “You’re fired” boss on The Apprentice. He rushed to bring in figures from the corporate world, luring Rex Tillerson from Exxon Mobil Corp. to run the State Department and a string of Wall Streeters. The stock market initially boomed. Trump’s message to business has been simple: Finally you have an executive in charge of the executive branch. “In theory I could run my business perfectly and then run the country perfectly,” he boasted to the New York Times shortly after his election. “There’s never been a case like this.”

So out of all the ways in which Trump might want to be measured, judging him as a chief executive would seem to be the fairest to him. Forget about ideology, his political agenda, or whether you voted for him; just judge him on whether he has been a competent executive. Would you want to leave him in charge? Or would you be calling an emergency board meeting?

The Comey fracas is the latest in a long list of apparent transgressions for which a normal CEO might lose his job. In the last week, Trump stood accused of having passed on intelligence secrets to the Russians. Any business chief who invited a competitor into the boardroom and then disclosed sensitive information would be in peril. (Klaus Kleinfeld lost his job at Arconic Inc. merely because he wrote an unauthorized stroppy letter to a truculent shareholder.) Appointing inexperienced relatives to important positions is not normally seen as good corporate governance. Jes Staley is currently in trouble at Barclays Plc just for allegedly protecting a friend. The White House was made aware that Flynn had lied to the vice president on Jan. 26, but he didn’t hand in his resignation to Trump until Feb. 13. Any board would want an explanation for that delay. Finally, any CEO who says something that is manifestly untrue in public or on his résumé is in hot water. Those who refuse to correct themselves quickly and satisfactorily often have to go—as happened to the bosses at Yahoo! Inc. and RadioShack.
Behind this list of individual transgressions sit four larger failings: This CEO-in-chief has failed to get things done; he has failed to build a strong team, especially in domestic policy; he hasn’t dealt with conflicts of interest; and his communications is in shambles.
It’s harder to achieve things in politics than in business, as many businesspeople-turned-politicians (including the owner of this magazine) will attest. But Trump’s record of achievement would make any corporate compensation committee cringe. Despite his party controlling both the Senate and the House, health care is stuck: Trump seems to have made the elementary CEO mistake of wanting to get rid of something without having any idea of what to replace it with. Tax reform, another signature theme, currently fills a single piece of paper. If any chief executive had shown that to his board, the members would have assumed it was an April Fools’ Day prank. The details of his great promise to build $1 trillion of infrastructure have yet to be delivered to Congress. He has issued a string of executive orders, but some of them, notably on restricting immigration, have been so poorly crafted the courts have blocked them.

Photo illustration: 731; Photographer: Andrew Harrer/Getty Images
It’s not a completely blank slate. Trump has appointed a competent Supreme Court justice. He’s made deregulation a priority. In national security, perhaps thanks to the grown-up trio of Tillerson, Defense Secretary James Mattis, and H.R. McMaster (Flynn’s replacement as National Security Adviser), he’s shown some signs of deftness and purpose, such as the missile attack on Syria. On “fair trade,” the area ironically where most businesspeople wish him failure, he may have made progress with Mexico and Canada. But in general, America’s stock has dropped abroad: The president has messed around his customers and suppliers (one way to look at allies), with many drifting toward America’s principal long-term competitor, China.
Much of this would be retrievable if Trump had been doing what most sensible incoming CEOs do: building a team to govern the country. This second big failing is where he looks least professional. His list of unfilled posts and ambassadorships is far lengthier than Obama’s. Europeans don’t even know whom to discuss the G-7 with. And there’s the whiff of cronyism. Trump’s instinct has been to stick with friends, like Flynn, and relations, like his 36-year-old son-in-law, Jared Kushner. He seems to spend as much time listening to Kushner on foreign policy as he does to the more seasoned Tillerson-Mattis-McMaster trio. There appears to be little structure in the White House. It’s more like a court than a company, with the king retiring to bed with a cheeseburger and spontaneously tweeting orders.
This dysfunction is fed by a cavalier approach toward conflicts of interest. In most businesses, this is something most incoming bosses deal with quickly and automatically. There’s an ethics policy, and you follow it. That policy usually has two levels: first, obeying the law; second, setting standards and following processes that avoid even the impression of any conflict. This second prohibitive level is crucial.
No president has tried to claim the mantle of CEO-in-chief as completely as the incumbent
It may well be up to Congress or the courts to decide whether Trump has broken any laws with his alleged requests to Comey. Similarly, Trump’s children and relatives haven’t done anything illegal in promoting a Washington hotel that sits on federally owned land or by hyping their connections to Chinese investors. But what is manifestly clear is that Trump and his family have failed the prohibitive test. They haven’t clearly separated out their personal businesses from their public duties and powers. He’s appointed relatives to positions—such as making peace in the Middle East, in the case of Kushner—that they’re legally entitled to hold but are not obviously qualified to do.
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Then there’s communications. In business it sometimes helps to be unpredictable, but when two senior people publicly announce opposing versions of what they think the CEO wants (as Tillerson and Nikki Haley, his United Nations ambassador, did recently regarding President Bashar al-Assad in Syria), that is not a good sign. Twitter worked well for Trump on the campaign; as a way of setting policy, it’s self-defeating. If a CEO put out a press release implying he had recorded a conversation, as Trump has done with Comey, the board would want to listen to it.
And finally there’s that awkward thing, the truth. Both politicians and businesspeople exaggerate their achievements, but they seldom get caught in verifiable untruths, such as claiming your crowd is bigger than your predecessor’s or saying that you invented the phrase “priming the pump,” without at least a hasty apology. It’s not surprising that Mitch McConnell, the Republican leader in the Senate, has called for “less drama” from the White House.

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THE MACHINE THAT ZAPS MULTIPLE TUMORS ALL AT ONCE

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This Machine Can Map and Zap Multiple Tumors at the Same Time
RefleXion’s bio-guided radiotherapy identifies cancer cells by their metabolic activity.
by Michael Belfiore
‎May‎ ‎18‎, ‎2017‎ ‎1‎:‎29‎ ‎PM‎ ‎CDT
From Subscribe Reprints
Innovator Samuel Mazin
Age 39
Chief technology officer of RefleXion Medical Inc., a company with 60 employees in Hayward, Calif.

Form and function
RefleXion’s equipment identifies cancer cells by their metabolic activity, allowing technicians to detect, analyze, and zap multiple tumors in a single treatment, in some cases without the need for a biopsy.

Source: RefleXion Medical

1. Trace
A technician injects a patient with a radioactive glucose tracer before sliding her into the 6-foot-long RefleXion machine.

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2. Scan
The RefleXion machine’s positron emission tomography (PET) scanners show the hyperactive metabolic activity of tumors.

Source: RefleXion Medical
3. Treat
A computer-controlled linear accelerator beams X-rays only at tumors, avoiding healthy tissue.

Origin
Mazin, an electrical engineer, came up with the idea of simultaneously locating and treating tumors in 2007 while working as a postdoctoral fellow in radiology at Stanford. He founded RefleXion in 2009 with computer engineer Akshay Nanduri.

Funding
The company has raised $63 million in venture funding from investors including Pfizer Inc. and Johnson & Johnson.

Next Steps
“The new RefleXion unit represents a major paradigm shift in the way we deliver advanced radiation therapy,” says Dwight Heron, director of radiation services at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center CancerCenter, because it eliminates several steps in the process of tumor detection and treatment. The company says its device may also significantly reduce costs, and the prototype will be ready for patient treatment by the end of next year.
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Posted in New Essays | Comments Off on THE MACHINE THAT ZAPS MULTIPLE TUMORS ALL AT ONCE

HOW PUTIN CAME TO POWER

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How Putin Came to Power
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In August 1999, Vladimir V. Putin, head of Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB), successor to the KGB, was appointed Prime Minister. On December 31st of that year, Boris Yeltsin announced that Putin would succeed him as President of the Russian Federation. HOW PUTIN CAME TO POWER traces the stunningly rapid ascension of this political unknown to leadership of the Kremlin.
The film documents the power struggle between the country’s ruling oligarchs and a behind-the-scenes political deal that elevated Putin to power. Putin initially demonstrated his value to “The Family,” the family members and wealthy businessmen around Yeltsin-including Russian billionaire Boris Berezovsky, now in exile in London-by blackmailing the Russian Prosecutor General who was investigating a money-laundering scheme that would have exposed government corruption. As Prime Minister Putin, aided by a suspicious series of alleged terrorist attacks in Moscow and the launch of the Chechen War, established a “law and order” reputation, which paved his way to election as President.
HOW PUTIN CAME TO POWER tells its story with archival footage, a clandestine blackmail video, remarkable recordings of government meetings, and interviews with many Kremlin insiders who offer firsthand testimony about these events, including Putin’s campaign chief Ksenia Ponomareva, former Deputy Prime Minister Boris Nemtsov, General Vladimir Shamanov, journalists Elena Tregubova and Vlad Rabinov, and former U.S. Ambassador Stephen Sestanovich.
“Eye-opening… An informative and engaging account of our most recent instance of succession politics, Russian style.” —Michael Urban, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics

“★★★½ … Well-researched… offers valuable insights… this excellent documentary suggests that more attention should be paid to Russia in general and Putin in particular. Highly recommended.” —P. Hall, Video Librarian

“Essential for understanding the dynamics of Russian politics today, and probably for a long time to come.” —Louis Menashe, Professor of Russian History and Film, Polytechnic University

“Sends a chill up one’s spine.” —Libération

“Vladimir Putin is nothing more than a ‘product.’ A coproduction of Russian television and the “Family” of aged president Boris Yeltsin. A robot, a marionette… In short, a horror. That’s the thesis defended with brio in this documentary… It’s powerful, very powerful.” —Le Monde

“Tania Rakhmanova constructs her documentary like a police investigation… A must-see!” —Telé Star

“An informative and engaging account of our most recent instance of succession politics, Russian style.” —Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics
Nominee, 2006 International Emmy Awards
Official Jury Prize, 2005 Pessac International Festival of History Films
Students’ Jury Prize, 2005 Pessac International Festival of History Films
  
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The 3 Rooms of Melancholia: An award-winning, stunningly beautiful revelation of how the Chechen War has psychologically affected children in Russia and in Chechnya.

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WHY DIDN’T OBAMA RELEASE INTEL BEFORE THE ELECTION

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Why Didn’t Obama Reveal Intel About Russia’s Influence on the Election?
His decision may have cost Clinton the presidency.

Gary Cameron / Reuters

Kaveh Waddell Dec 11, 2016 Technology
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On Friday, the Obama administration turned a bright spotlight onto the Russian government’s attempts to influence America’s presidential election. The White House announced that the president had ordered the intelligence community to perform a “full review” of election-related hacking, kicking off a sweeping investigation that officials say should be complete before President Obama’s second term ends in less than six weeks. That evening, administration officials leaked the results of a secret CIA investigation into Russia’s motives for launching election-related cyberattacks to The Washington Post. The CIA had concluded that Russia “intervened in the 2016 election to help Donald Trump win the presidency.”
Members of Congress who called on the White House to release more information about Russian involvement in the 2016 election—and who repeatedly hinted that the administration hadn’t publicized everything it knows on the issue—were vindicated by the revelations. But the news came too late to make a difference in the election.

The CIA only shared its latest findings with top senators last week, the Post reported, but it’s not clear when the agency made the determination. In an interview with MSNBC on Saturday, however, Senate Democratic Leader Harry Reid—who is known for making bold accusations—said FBI Director Jim Comey has known about Russia’s ambitions “for a long time,” but didn’t release that information.
If that’s true, why didn’t the Obama administration push to release it earlier?
For one, the White House was probably afraid of looking like it was tipping the scale in Hillary Clinton’s favor, especially in an election that her opponent repeatedly described as rigged. Though Obama stumped for Clinton around the country, the administration didn’t want to open him up to attacks that he unfairly used intelligence to undermine Trump’s campaign, the Post reported.
Instead, top White House officials gathered key lawmakers—leadership from the House and Senate, plus the top Democrats and Republicans from both houses’ intelligence and homeland security committees—to ask for a bipartisan condemnation of Russia’s meddling. The effort was stymied by several Republicans who weren’t willing to cooperate, including, reportedly, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. (On Sunday morning, a bipartisan statement condemning the hacks came from incoming Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, Jack Reed, a Democrat, and Republicans John McCain and Lindsey Graham.)

It’s also possible that the administration, like most pollsters and pundits, was overconfident in its assessment that Clinton would win the election. Officials may have been more willing to lob incendiary accusations—and risk setting off a serious political or cyber conflict with Russia—if they had thought Trump had a good chance to win.
The silence from the White House and the CIA was a stark contrast to the Comey’s announcement just weeks before the election that it was examining new documents related to its investigation into Clinton’s emails.
The closest the administration came to accusing Russia of trying to get Trump elected came in October, just over a month before Election Day. In a statement, all 17 U.S. intelligence agencies announced that they were “confident” that the Kremlin directed intrusions into “U.S. political organizations,” and that the leaked materials that were popping up on Wikileaks, DCLeaks.com, and on the website claimed by a hacker called “Guccifer 2.0” were likely connected to Russia. The statement said the thefts and disclosures were “intended to interfere with the U.S. election process,” but it didn’t say whether they were meant to help one candidate more than another.
Clinton raised the findings during the third presidential debate. “We’ve never had a foreign government trying to interfere in our election,” she said. “We have 17 intelligence agencies, civilian and military, who have all concluded that these espionage attacks, these cyber attacks, come from the highest levels of the Kremlin.”

Trump shot back that “our country has no idea” who was behind the hacks, despite the agencies’ reports. (After the CIA’s assessment leaked on Friday, Trump’s campaign team tried to discredit the agency: “These are the same people that said Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction,” it said in a statement. In fact, the George W. Bush administration appears to have extrapolated from the CIA’s findings to justify invading Iraq in 2003.)
In his campaign appearances, Obama didn’t make a big deal of the intelligence community’s October announcement, which may have helped the revelation slip out of headlines and away from the consciousness of voters.
Perhaps the latest intelligence from the CIA—that Russia was trying to help Trump win—wouldn’t have changed the outcome of the vote. But if it would have given voters reason to doubt Trump, the administration’s unwillingness to publicize the specifics of the Kremlin’s meddling may have helped cost Clinton the election. President Obama may have reason to reflect on that decision for a long time.
Ever been hacked? Ever had your private emails, texts, online dating, or sensitive work info exposed? Please send us a note: hello@theatlantic.com. (We may publish it, anonymously, in our new Notes series.)
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DID PUTIN HACK USA?

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Did Putin Direct Russian Hacking? And Other Big Questions
Did Moscow influence the U.S. election? Who else has been hacked? Could the CIA be wrong?

Gary Cameron / Reuters

Kathy Gilsinan and Krishnadev Calamur Jan 6, 2017 Global
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Updated on January 7, 2017
In a “declassified version of a highly classified assessment” released on Friday January 6, the U.S. intelligence community laid out its judgment that “Vladimir Putin ordered an influence campaign in 2016 aimed at the US presidential election,” with the specific goal of harming Hillary Clinton’s “electability and potential presidency.” The report went on: “We further assess Putin and the Russian Government developed a clear preference for President-elect Trump.”
These conclusions had previously been reported, based accounts anonymous intelligence officials gave to various news outlets. The January 6 intelligence assessment was the first time the Office of the Director of National Intelligence had detailed them officially in public.
The release came a day after Senator John McCain, the Arizona Republican who chairs the Senate Armed Services Committee, said at a hearing on foreign cyberthreats to the United States: “Every American should be alarmed by Russia’s attacks on our nation.” (Our blog of the hearing is here.)

President-elect Donald Trump has been publicly skeptical of claims about Russia’s role. He says it’s difficult to definitively say who was behind the hacking, and has supported the views of Julian Assange, the WikiLeaks founder, that a “14-year-old could have hacked” Democratic officials. After reviewing a classified version of the assessment made public on Friday, Trump issued a statement citing the cyber threat from “Russia, China, other countries, outside groups and people,” but emphasizing that the hacking had “absolutely no effect on the outcome of the election.”
Last month McCain told Ukrainian TV Russia’s actions were “an act of war.” He repeated those comments Thursday, but added: It “doesn’t mean you go to war and start shooting.”
Who is involved?
The intelligence-community assessment provides official backing to media reports from mid-December stating that that Russian President Vladimir Putin was “personally involved” in cyberattacks aimed at interfering with the United States presidential election. In an interview with NPR on December 15, U.S. President Barack Obama vowed that the U.S. would take action in response, “at a time and place of our own choosing.” He went on: “Mr. Putin is well aware of my feelings about this, because I spoke to him directly about it.” On December 29, he did more than speak: He sanctioned the two Russian intelligence services believed to be involved in the hacks (Russian military intelligence, the GRU, and the KGB’s successor the FSB, which is responsible for counterintelligence and internal security). He also expelled 35 Russian officials in the U.S. believed to be intelligence agents. After Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov threatened to retaliate, Putin declined to do so.

Didn’t we already know about Russia hacking the Democratic National Committee and others? Why all the fuss?
The assessment purports to add on-the-record detail on both actors and intent. Prior to mid-December, Putin personally had not been blamed for hacks resulting in leaks damaging to the Clinton campaign, though in October Director of National Intelligence James Clapper stopped just short of doing so, saying that “based on the scope and sensitivity of these efforts … only Russia’s senior-most officials could have authorized these activities.” Secondly, separate intelligence leaks to The New York Times and The Washington Post on December 9 for the first time claimed that the intent of the hacking was to sway the election in favor of Trump, rather than simply sow generalized distrust. It has not yet been suggested that cyberattacks managed to change the actual vote tally in favor of either presidential candidate. This is now the official position of the intelligence community.
Information on what exactly happened has been dripping out slowly, and often anonymously and unofficially, for months. Way back in mid-June, the Democratic National Committee reported an intrusion into its computer network, and the cybersecurity firm CrowdStrike publicly blamed Russian hackers after analyzing the breach. In July, after emails stolen from the committee appeared on WikiLeaks, Democratic members of congress also blamed the Russians, with Clinton campaign manager Robby Mook alleging that “It was the Russians who perpetrated this leak for the purpose of helping Donald Trump and hurting Hillary Clinton.”
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Why Didn’t Obama Reveal Intel About Russia’s Influence on the Election?
It wasn’t until September that anonymous federal officials confirmed to The New York Times the intelligence community’s “high confidence” of Russian government involvement in the hack, if not the subsequent leak, and leaving doubt as to whether the hacks were “routine cyberespionage” or actually intended to influence the election. And it wasn’t until October that the Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper, went on the record to blame Russia—government actors, not, say, cybercriminals who happened to be Russian, “based on the scope and sensitivity of these efforts,” and further declaring that they were “intended to interfere with the U.S. election process.” Days later, emails stolen from Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta appeared on WikiLeaks.
So as of fall, the United States government had officially blamed Russia for the hacks, and stated that the hacks were intended to interfere with the American election. Until December 9, intelligence officials were not claiming that the Russians wanted specifically to help Trump win, as opposed to undermining faith in the overall process. Then The Washington Post disclosed a “secret CIA assessment”—again described by anonymous officials—declaring it “quite clear” that a Trump presidency was the ultimate goal of the hacks. A Times investigation published a few days later provided more background on how the hacks actually worked. Congress is planning to investigate.

Who else has been hacked?
Thomas Rid, writing in Esquire in October, noted that Russia began hacking the U.S. as early as 1996, five years after the demise of the Soviet Union, and added that the DNC hack concealed an even bigger prize for the Russians: the National Security Agency, whose secret files were dumped this August on Github and other file-sharing sites.
Then there is Germany. In May, BfV, Germany’s domestic intelligence agency, said hackers linked to the Russian government had targeted Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union party, as well as German state computers. In September, Arne Schoenbohm, who heads Germany’s Federal Office for Information Security (BSI), briefed German lawmakers about Russian hacking. Schoenbohm told Sudduetsche Zeitung, after reports emerged in the U.S. of the hacking of the Democratic National Committee, that “[g]iven the background of the American situation, I have to protect our political parties from spying.” Those warnings became more urgent after the U.S. presidential election. Bruno Kahl, the head of the Germany’s foreign intelligence service, told the newspaper last month that Russia could seek to disrupt Germany’s elections next year to create “political uncertainty.” Merkel, who is seeking a fourth term in those elections, said in November after an attack targeted Deutsche Telekom customers that “[s]uch cyber attacks, or hybrid conflicts as they are known in Russian doctrine, are now part of daily life and we must learn to cope with them.”

Suspected Russian hacking has targeted other countries, as well. In April 2007, websites and servers belonging to the government, banks, and media in the former Soviet republic of Estonia came under a sustained monthlong attack. A U.S. diplomatic cable, published in WikiLeaks, called the Baltic state an “unprecedented victim of the world’s first cyber attacks against a nation state.” Similar attacks targeted the former Soviet republic of Georgia a year later, and Ukraine more recently. All three countries have pro-Western leaders that are deeply critical of what they see as Russia’s turn toward authoritarianism under President Vladimir Putin.
And prior to perhaps their most high-value target thus far, the DNC, Russian hackers allegedly targeted the World Anti-Doping Agency ahead of the Rio Olympics this summer. WADA had reported a widespread Russian state-run doping program that involved the country’s track-and-field program. That revelation resulted in the Russian track-and-field team being banned from the games. WADA was hacked in apparent response, and the personal information of several athletes, including the Russian whistleblower who alerted WADA to the scandal, was leaked online. It’s worth pointing out that the Russian government has dismissed claims that it is involved.
What does “hacking” actually entail?
It depends: Hackers believed to be from Russia have accessed computers and servers belonging to government and political parties in rival countries. In some cases, such as in the DNC or WADA hack, those hacks resulted in the leak of information on websites such as WikiLeaks. In other cases, the attacks focused on national infrastructure: In Ukraine, for instance, according to Wired, hackers targeted the power grid; they then attacked the telephone service so customers couldn’t call to report the outages. When they hit the NSA, hackers posted the agency’s  “cyber-weapons” to file-sharing sites, according to Esquire. The hackers don’t just target states and institutions. Frequently, individuals are caught up, as well. On December 9, the Times reported that suspected Russian hackers targeted critics of the country’s government who live overseas by posting child porn on their computers.    

How solid is the intelligence community’s case that Russia tried to tilt the election for Trump?
The Washington Post has cited “the United States’ long-standing struggle to collect reliable intelligence on President Vladi­mir Putin and those closest to him.” Since the end of the Cold War and especially since 9/11, American intelligence agencies have deprioritized Russia. The Post reported in fall, citing U.S. officials, that the “CIA and other agencies now devote at most 10 percent of their budgets to Russia-related espionage, a percentage that has risen over the past two years,” but is still dwarfed by the Cold War peak of about 40 percent.
As for the actual evidence of intent, what’s publicly available remains circumstantial, including Russian state TV’s pushing of Trump’s candidacy, and reports that the Republican National Committee, too, was hacked though suffered none of the same embarrassing leaks as the DNC. (The RNC has denied it was hacked; The Wall Street Journal reports, citing “officials who have been briefed on the attempted intrusion,” that the effort was thwarted by the RNC’s cybersecurity systems.) All of this was occurring in an international political context in which Trump was one of the most pro-Russian presidential candidates in recent memory, while Vladimir Putin personally blamed Hillary Clinton for inciting protests against his rule when she was secretary of state.

In tandem with Obama’s announcement of sanctions against Russia on December 29, the Department of Homeland Security and the FBI released a joint report on “Russian malicious cyber activity” during the U.S. election. That report, however, was short on specific evidence; moreover, The New York Times noted, it “included a long list of malware it said was evidence of Russian hacking, when some of the malware is used by non-Russian attackers.”
Meanwhile, the denials. Some of Trump’s surrogates have publicly suggested that Russia is the victim of a false-flag operation planned by U.S. intelligence—an assertion that doesn’t appear to be based on any fact in the public realm. Russian officials themselves have rejected the idea they are involved, as have Russian cybersecurity experts, one of whom dismissed it as “a classic stereotype of the nineties and early 2000s.” They say that it’s virtually impossible to trace the origin of a hack. For his part, the president-elect tweeted the claim of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange that, in Trump’s words, “the Russians did not give him the info!” and that “a 14 year old could have hacked Podesta.”
As Kaveh Waddell explained in The Atlantic, while it can be difficult to catch the culprit of a hack, it’s by no means impossible. Esquire, in its story, noted that sloppy errors committed by the hackers pointed U.S. intelligence to their whereabouts. Andrei Soldatov, who wrote Red Web, told The Telegraph the Russian government is using its computer industry to hack its targets. “We have maybe the biggest engineer community in the world, and lots of great specialists,” he told the newspaper. “They are not criminals, they are professionals—and they are not bothered or afraid to refuse requests from government agencies.”

But Trump says we shouldn’t trust the CIA because they were wrong about Iraq’s WMD. Shouldn’t we take that history into consideration?
“There’s a big difference between Iraq WMD and Russian cyber hacking,” wrote Amy Zegart, an intelligence expert at Stanford, in an email. “For starters, we’re talking about different people making the assessments, a different problem to unravel (hidden nuclear capabilities in a foreign country versus cyber attacks on US systems), and a different analysis process. Intelligence analysis was thoroughly revamped after Iraq, as it should have been. But saying that these are same people who brought us Iraq WMD is like saying this year’s Golden State Warriors must be terrible, because the Warriors lost so many games in the 90s.”
Which isn’t to say that past intelligence failures writ large have no relevance to today. The relevance is: Intelligence sometimes fails. As Zegart notes: “The best experts didn’t predict Trump’s win, and that’s Americans predicting what Americans will do in an open society with frequent polling. In intelligence, adversaries are working hard and spending billions to hide their activities and deceive us.”
Kenneth Pollack, a former CIA analyst and Clinton National Security Council staffer who argued for invading Iraq in 2003, said in an interview that Saddam Hussein did a “totally insane” version of this: “Saddam’s whole thinking was, ‘I’m going to get rid of my weapons of mass destruction, basically after 1995, but I can’t tell my people that. I want my people to continue to fear me, and believe that I have this.’ … The U.S., and the rest of the world, frankly … all picks up on the fact that that he is putting it out to all of his people that, ‘Yeah I still have WMD.’ And that strikes me as a really fundamental difference.”
He continued: “The intelligence community certainly can be wrong about these kinds of things, and you do want to take everything with a certain amount of skepticism. That said, it seems like in this case, they’ve found the tracks—that’s kind of the nice thing about cyber, as best as I understand it, is you can actually go back and see the keystrokes … which was not something that we had in Iraq.”
Do you have any lingering questions about Russian hacking? Please let us know and we’ll try to answer them: hello@theatlantic.com.
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ADVERTISERS PULL ADS FROM HANNITY FOX NEWS

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MEDIA 05/24/2017 03:28 pm ET | Updated 2 hours ago
Advertisers Pull Ads From Sean Hannity’s Fox News Show
And so it begins…

By Lydia O’Connor
X

Companies started pulling advertisements from Sean Hannity’s Fox News show on Wednesday as he continued promoting a conspiracy theory about Democratic National Committee staffer Seth Rich’s death. 
Cars.com, the automotive classifieds site, was the first to release a statement on its decision to remove ads.
“The fact that we advertise on a particular program doesn’t mean that we agree or disagree, or support or oppose, the content. We don’t have the ability to influence content at the time we make out advertising purchase. In this case, we’ve been watching closely and have recently made the decision to pull our advertising from Hannity.”
At-home exercise company Peloton followed suit later Wednesday afternoon, saying it decided to pull advertisements from “Hannity” in response to complaints on Twitter. 
@_elissa_johnson @naretevduorp @seanhannity @FoxNews We directed our media agency to stop advertising on Sean Hannity’s show. This will take a few days to take effect.
— Peloton (@RidePeloton) May 24, 2017
Numerous other companies also pulled ads from Hannity’s show. Hannity has been in hot water for continuing to peddle a conspiracy theory linking Rich’s unsolved killing to WikiLeaks. Washington, D.C., police say they they suspect Rich was shot during a robbery attempt while walking in his neighborhood. There’s no evidence his slaying has anything to do with leaked DNC emails published by WikiLeaks, which U.S. authorities have blamed on Russian hackers.
Leesa Sleep, an online mattress retailer, became the third advertiser to drop out. 
“We adjust our media buying every day and we can confirm that we are no longer advertising on Sean Hannity,” a spokesman said. 
Casper, another online mattress retailer, also confirmed it was shifting its Fox News ad buys.
Late Wednesday, three additional advertisers said they would no longer run ads on Hannity’s program. Ring, a video doorbell company, told BuzzFeed News its ads “do not indicate Ring’s endorsement of the content that runs on a show,” but said it would cease airing any ads on Hannity’s show effective immediately.
USAA, a financial services company for military members and their families, said on Twitter the company had changed its policy and would not run advertisements on opinion shows. Crowne Plaza Hotels also told BuzzFeed ads that ran on Fox News appeared in error and there would be no more airing in the immediate future.
“Since we learned of the airings, we addressed the issue immediately and terminated our relationship with [a third-party] agency,” the hotel chain said. “We have no plans to advertise on Fox News for the foreseeable future.”

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Fox News retracted its thinly sourced story promoting the conspiracy theory on Tuesday and removed it from its website. But Hannity was still pushing the story on Twitter shortly before the network issued its statement. He later continued promoting the conspiracy on his radio show, which is not affiliated with Fox News, hours later. 
“And all you in the liberal media, I am not Fox.com or Fox News.com. I retracted nothing,” he said.
The move by Cars.com and Peloton to pull advertising mimics the start of a massive advertiser boycott that plagued Fox News host Bill O’Reilly, who was unceremoniously ousted from the network last month after after allegations of him sexually harassing female colleagues prompted protests and eventually led more than 50 companies to remove advertising from his show. 
Nick Visser contributed reporting.
This article has been updated to include the decisions of additional advertisers.
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Posted in New Essays | Comments Off on ADVERTISERS PULL ADS FROM HANNITY FOX NEWS